Neo-Marxism (AQA A Level Sociology): Revision Note

Neo-Marxism: a conflict theory

• Marxism is a structural theory

  • It is a conflict theory that sees society as divided between two main classes:

    • The bourgeoisie, i.e., the ruling class, who own the means of production and uses ideology to maintain control of the proletariat

    • The proletariat, i.e., the working class, who own nothing but their labour

• Neo-Marxism refers to a group of theories developed in the 20th century that builds on Karl Marx’s original ideas

  • They also respond to criticisms of his theory—especially the overemphasis on economic determinism

• Neo-Marxists are interpretivists who place greater emphasis on ideology, culture, and human agency

• Key Neo-Marxist thinkers include:

  • Humanistic Marxists such as Antonio Gramsci

  • The Frankfurt School such asHerbert Marcuse and Theodor Adorno

  • Structuralist Marxists such as Louis Althusser

Humanistic Marxism: Antonio Gramsci

• Gramsci (1971) rejected the traditional Marxist view that the economic system (infrastructure) is the main factor shaping people’s experiences in a capitalist society

• He argued that a transition from capitalism to communism would not happen automatically—even if economic conditions worsen

  • e.g., mass unemployment, falling wages

• While these are necessary conditions for revolution, they are not enough on their own

• Instead, Humanistic Marxists believe that:

  • workers are not passive victims of capitalism—they are active agents with free will and can consciously choose to overthrow capitalism

  • ideas and ideology play a central role in determining whether social change or revolution takes place

Ideology and the role of the superstructure

• Gramsci focused on the superstructure, especially the importance of ideology

  • He argued that the capitalist state cannot rule by force or coercion alone

  • It needs the consent of the people, and that consent is gained through the spread of ruling-class ideas via institutions like:

    • the media

    • education

    • religion

• These institutions shape how people think and encourage them to accept capitalism as normal and fair

Hegemony: rule by consent

• Gramsci introduced the concept of hegemony to explain how the ruling class maintains control

• Hegemony is the dominance of one group (the ruling class) over others, not just through force, but through ideas and culture

• The bourgeoisie maintains hegemony by:

  • controlling institutions that produce and spread ideas (e.g., media, education, religion)

  • convincing society that capitalist values are common sense, fair and legitimate

  • offering limited concessions, such as the Welfare State, to gain support from the working class

• As long as the majority of society gives consent, revolution will not occur—even if economic conditions are bad

• However, Gramsci stressed that consent is never guaranteed

• There is always the possibility of resistance and revolution, especially if workers develop class consciousness

Dual consciousness and the potential for change

• Gramsci believed that the working class has a dual consciousness, as their ideas are shaped both by:

  • ruling-class ideology (spread through the superstructure)

  • their actual experiences of exploitation and poverty

• This means workers may start to question dominant ideas and develop their own understanding of the world

The role of organic intellectuals

• For revolution to happen, the working class must develop class consciousness

• This requires the leadership of organic intellectuals—working-class thinkers and leaders who:

  • challenge dominant bourgeois ideas

  • offer an alternative vision of how society could be organised

  • promote socialist values instead of capitalist ones

Evaluation of Gramsci

Strengths

• Influence of research

  • Humanistic Marxism has influenced sociological research, particularly studies exploring working-class resistance in education and the political role of religion

    • Paul Willis (1977) studied working-class 'lads' who rejected school values and saw through the school's ideology to recognise that meritocracy is a myth

    • Maduro (1982) argued that religion can support political struggle; in Latin America, parts of the Catholic Church backed Liberation Theology, using Christian teachings to challenge inequality and mobilise the poor

Criticisms

• Understates economic constraints

  • Humanistic Marxism places too much emphasis on free will and choice

  • In reality, economic hardship can leave workers with no real choice but to accept bourgeois rule

    • E.g., to avoid starvation or unemployment

• Underestimates state power

  • It downplays the extent to which the bourgeoisie will use coercion to protect their interests

  • The ruling class can rely on state institutions (like the police, courts, or army) to suppress resistance

    • E.g., in the UK police were deployed against striking miners, demonstrating the use of force to defend capitalist interests

The Frankfurt School: Herbert Marcuse & Theodor Adorno

• The Frankfurt School, including theorists like Marcuse (1964) and Adorno (1991), developed a Neo-Marxist critique of classical Marxism

• They argue that culture and ideology are just as important as economics in maintaining capitalism

• They focused particularly on how mass media and consumer culture shape people’s desires and values, discouraging critical thinking and resistance

• Rather than relying solely on force or economic control, the ruling class maintains dominance by using media and cultural institutions to distract, pacify, and manipulate the working class

Instrumental reason

• The Frankfurt School believed Marx underestimated why workers accept capitalist conditions

• Adorno (1991) criticised Marx for dismissing this as false consciousness

• In reality, many workers rationally choose exploitative jobs—not because they are fooled, but because they value career success, stability, or financial security

  • E.g., many people accept zero-hours contracts, gig economy jobs, or minimum wage roles, not because they believe the system is fair, but because they feel they have no viable alternative

Mass culture and the loss of critical thought

• Marcuse (1964) argued that mass culture has replaced religion as the dominant way the ruling class maintains control

• The media spreads entertainment and distraction, diverting attention away from inequality and injustice

  • E.g., 24/7 news cycles focused on celebrity gossip, reality TV, and football can dominate headlines, while issues like low pay, rent crises, or corporate tax avoidance receive limited attention

• Social media platforms also promote consumer lifestyles, influencing users to aspire to wealth and consumption rather than challenge the system

• The Frankfurt School argued that this creates false needs—desires for products and lifestyles that serve capitalism, not real human well-being

• As a result, individuals lose their capacity for critical thinking and become passive, conformist consumers

Structuralist Marxism: Louis Althusser

• Althusser (1969) developed a version of Marxism known as structuralist or scientific Marxism, offering a more theoretical and systematic explanation of how capitalism is maintained

• Unlike traditional Marxism, Althusser:

  • rejected economic determinism (the idea that everything is shaped only by the economy)

  • rejected humanism (the belief in free will and individual agency)

  • argued that capitalism is sustained through a complex structure of interrelated systems, not just economic forces

• Scientific Marxism aims to uncover the structural laws that underpin capitalism

• It is a positivist approach, as it focuses on how structures—particularly ideological ones—shape individuals’ thoughts and behaviours

The three structures of capitalist society

• Althusser believed society is made up of three relatively autonomous but interconnected levels:

  • Economic – concerns production and the organisation of labour (e.g., factories, businesses)

  • Political – includes institutions of power and control (e.g., government, legal system)

  • Ideological – shapes people’s beliefs and values (e.g., education, religion, media)

Two-way causality

• Unlike Marx's base-superstructure model, where the economy determines everything else, Althusser proposed a model of relative autonomy:

  • Political and ideological structures are not mere reflections of the economy; they can also influence and support it

  • Individuals are not free agents—they are shaped by the structural systems they are born into

Althusser's structures: an analogy

• Imagine society as a family:

  • The economic structure is like the family’s income— parents' jobs, bills, and financial stability

  • The political structure is like the house rules and authority—who makes decisions and enforces them

  • The ideological structure is the family’s values and beliefs—what’s seen as right or wrong, beliefs about gender roles, respect, and hard work

• Just like a family needs all parts working together, society depends on these three structures staying balanced

  • If one breaks down—like a loss of income or breakdown in shared values—the whole system becomes unstable

• This shows how each part of society supports the others, just as Althusser described

ISAs and RSAs: how the state maintains capitalism

• Althusser argued that the state plays a central role in reproducing capitalism through two main apparatuses

  • Repressive state apparatuses (RSAs):

    • Institutions that enforce control through force or threat (e.g. police, military, courts, prisons)

    • Used when consent breaks down, to suppress dissent and protect the ruling class

    • They coerce the working class into complying with the will of the bourgeoisie

    • This is how Marxists have traditionally seen the state

  • Ideological state apparatuses (ISAs):

    • Maintain control through ideas and beliefs (e.g. education, media, religion, family)

    • They work more subtly by encouraging the working class to accept inequality as natural and deserved

    • This creates false consciousness, preventing resistance

    • This is a much wider definition of the state than the traditional Marxist view

• This mirrors Gramsci’s idea of ruling-class dominance being maintained through both coercion (RSAs) and consent (ISAs)

Althusser's criticisms of humanism

• Althusser argued that our sense of free will and choice is an illusion, produced by ideological structures

  • For example, education promotes the myth of meritocracy—convincing people that success is based on ability, even when structural inequality shapes outcomes

• We are products of social structures, trained to fill pre-existing roles in capitalist society

• Therefore, socialism won’t emerge from class consciousness, as humanists suggest, but from contradictions between the three structures, which operate independently and may eventually destabilise the system

Evaluation of Althusser

Strengths

• A deeper structural analysis

  • Goes beyond economic determinism by examining political and ideological control

  • Offers a more comprehensive explanation of how capitalism is maintained

• Explains ideological control

  • Helps explain why revolutions haven’t happened in advanced capitalist societies

  • People are controlled more through beliefs than force

• Academic rigour

  • Althusser’s work provides a theoretical framework that has been influential across sociology, philosophy, and political theory

Criticisms

• Still deterministic

  • Although he rejects economic determinism, Althusser still argues that structures shape everything, leaving little room for individual action

• Too abstract and difficult to apply

  • His theories are highly theoretical and hard to test in real-world research

  • Critics argue that his ideas are too complex and impractical for explaining everyday social experiences

• Discourages activism

  • Suggesting that change can only occur through structural crisis may lead to political apathy, as individuals are seen as unable to influence society

• Overlooks human agency

  • Other Neo-Marxists like Gramsci emphasise the role of individuals and leaders (organic intellectuals) in creating change—something Althusser underestimates