The Appeal of Nazism & Communism (AQA A Level History: Component 2: Depth study): Revision Note
Exam code: 7042
Summary
The Nazis became a political party that stood in elections rather than a violent revolutionary group after the disaster of the Munich Putsch in 1923
At first, this was unsuccessful, and they struggled to win support
However, the Great Depression led to the Nazis becoming the biggest party in the Reichstag by 1932
This was because they successfully broadened their appeal to many social and economic groups within German society
They did this with a very effective and well-funded propaganda campaign
The German Communist Party, however, was not as successful at winning over new voters in the elections during the Great Depression
Although they increased their membership, they were not as well supported financially and struggled to broaden their appeal in the same way the Nazis had
The tactics and fortunes of the Nazi Party
After the disastrous Munich Putsch in 1923, Hitler decided to completely change tactics and attempted to make the Nazi Party electable
This also involved changing the NSDAP into a nationwide organisation
"If we only wanted to become representatives, we would not be National Socialists, but German National Party members or Social Democrats. We do not beg for votes. We demand conviction, devotion, passion! A vote is only a tool for us as well as for you. We will march into the marble halls of parliament, bringing with us the revolutionary will of the broad masses from which we came, called by fate and forming fate. We do not want to join this pile of manure. We are coming to shovel it out.
Do not believe that parliament is our goal. We have shown the enemy our nature from the podiums of our mass meetings and in the enormous demonstrations of our brown army. We will show it as well in the leaden atmosphere of parliament. We are coming neither as friends or neutrals. We come as enemies! As the wolf attacks the sheep, so come we. You are not among your friends any longer! You will not enjoy having us among you!”
An extract from an article written in 1928 by Josef Goebbels in which he explains why the Nazis campaigned to be voted into the Reichstag
Hitler divided Germany into 35 regions (called Gaue)
Each Gau (single region) had a local Nazi Party leader called a Gauleiter
Gauleiters were not often appointed
Hitler left it to the Nazi members in the Gau to fight over who became the Gauleiter
Hitler strongly believed in the survival of the fittest mentality
Whoever wanted the position more would win it by any means necessary
To fund a national party, Hitler persuaded business owners who shared his nationalist vision for Germany to contribute
Big corporations such as Thyssen, Krupp and Bosch funded the Nazi Party
The business owners believed Hitler’s influence over the workers would limit the power of trade unions
Business owners feared trade unions because they could make unreasonable demands for increased pay and benefits
Trade unions had strong links to communism
If communism became powerful, business owners would lose their ability to make lots of profit
Initially, this change in tactics yielded very little in terms of election success
In the May 1928 elections, the Nazis won just 2.6% of the vote
However, after the Wall Street Crash triggered the Great Depression, the fortunes of the Nazi Party improved dramatically
It won 18.3% of the vote in the September 1930 elections
In the July 1932 elections, it won 37.4% of the vote and became the biggest party in the Reichstag
The appeal of Nazism
Initially, the Nazis had a very narrow support base that came from the lower middle class, or Mittelstand, of German society
The Nazis were able to maintain this support from shopkeepers and office workers, but also managed to broaden their appeal very successfully
Working-class support
Policies such as redistribution of land and improved working conditions were targeted at working-class people
Although the Nazis never managed to gain the majority of the working-class vote, they convinced significant numbers to vote for them
The Nazi promise of 'Work and Bread' won many over, and the return to traditional German values appealed to others
Middle-class support
The Nazis managed to extend their traditional support base in the middle-class
Many teachers, lawyers, and small business owners were afraid that a communist takeover would mean the loss of their property and savings
After the Great Depression began, many saw the Nazis as the only party capable of stopping the communists
The Great Depression also saw many middle-class people abandon the moderate parties in the belief that only a strong leader like Hitler could save the economy
Farmers
Farmers did not do well during the Weimar Republic
High debt, low prices and increasing taxes damaged the standard of living in farming communities
By 1929, the income of agricultural workers was 44% below the national average
Farmers initially did not like the NSDAP
The Twenty-Five Point Programme created a policy of confiscating all private land
Under this policy, farmers would lose their income
The Nazi Party amended their policy to say that, if the people voted for the NSDAP, it would only confiscate land owned by the Jewish people
In 1930, the Nazi Party gained 60% of the rural vote in some areas
Young people
Young people suffered greatly from the economic crisis in the 1930s
By January 1933, unemployment hit 6.1 million people
Half of all 16 to 30-year-olds did not work
The Nazis seemed new and exciting and promised young people a brighter future
Women
German women were specifically targeted by the Nazis
The promised return to traditional values and gender roles appealed to some women after the uncertainty and upheaval of the 1920s
Catholics and Protestants
The Nazis enjoyed strong support in the Protestant rural areas in the north, east and central parts of Germany
The atheism of communism frightened many German Christians into supporting the Nazis
However, the appeal of the Nazis was very limited amongst Germany's Catholics
The majority of the Catholic votes remained with the Catholic Centre Party
The tactics and fortunes of the Communists (KPD)
The KPD had held a strong appeal for working-class voters in industrial areas throughout the Weimar period
It was supported by trade unions, and many trade union members voted for the KPD
The KPD argued that the Great Depression was the final crisis of capitalism and saw it as an opportunity to bring about a communist revolution
Their membership more than doubled after the Wall Street Crash, rising from 117,000 in 1929 to 360,000 in 1932
However, this enormous increase in membership did not translate to a dramatic increase in votes, despite a very effective propaganda operation
The KPD won 10.6% of the vote in the May 1928 elections
This increased to 13.1% in September 1930 and 14.5% in the July 1932 elections
The KPD failed to broaden their appeal, particularly amongst women
They also targeted and attacked the SPD, who were also on the left-wing but more moderate
This divided the left-wing vote, which benefited the Nazis
The increase in KPD membership also benefited the Nazis, as it convinced many middle-class people that they had to vote for Hitler to prevent a communist revolution
The role of Nazi propaganda
The NSDAP's political campaigns in 1930 and 1932 also increased its popularity
Led by Josef Goebbels, the imaginative and innovative propaganda campaign was very well funded by big businesses
Among other things, the campaign:
Flew Hitler around Germany
Organised impressive marches and rallies
Produced posters, radio broadcasts and pamphlets
Goebbels realised that Hitler's ability as a public speaker was a very effective propaganda tool
The use of an aeroplane enabled Hitler to make several speeches across Germany
Whatever the method, Nazi propaganda repeated the same messages:
Those who signed the Treaty of Versailles were traitors and criminals
Jewish people were the 'enemies of Germany'
The Nazis would return Germany to greatness and traditional values
“No other political movement has understood the art of propaganda as well as the National Socialists. From its beginnings, it has put heart and soul into propaganda.
What distinguishes it from all other political parties is the ability to see into the soul of the people and to speak the language of the man in the street. It uses all the means of modern technology. Leaflets, handbills, posters, mass demonstrations, the press, stage, film and radio – these are all tools of our propaganda. Whether or not they serve or harm the people depends on the use to which they are put.
In the long run, propaganda will reach the broad masses of the people only if at every stage it is uniform. Nothing confuses the people more than lack of clarity or aimlessness. The goal is not to present the common man with as many varied and contradictory theories as possible. The essence of propaganda is not in variety, but rather the forcefulness and persistence with which one selects ideas from the larger pool and hammers them into the masses using the most varied methods."
Doctor Josef Goebbels speaking about the importance of propaganda in 1931
Why did extremism grow in the years 1928–1932?
The question of why extremism grew in Germany between 1928 and 1932 is debated by historians
Some argue that it was down to the Great Depression
This argument points to the electoral results for extremist parties before and after the Wall Street Crash
Others argue that right-wing extremists had always existed in large numbers in Weimar Germany, but it took Hitler and the Nazis to unite them
They argue that a large portion of the German population held right-wing beliefs throughout the 1920s but, until Hitler, their votes were too spread out to make an impact in elections
Examiner Tips and Tricks
Examiners stress that propaganda was "essentially a delivery system": it worked only because of Depression hardship, Brüning's cuts and the fear of Communism. Don't argue it "brainwashed" voters — tie it to the message and the circumstances.
A past question asked whether Nazi success in 1930–32 "relied almost entirely on effective propaganda" — be ready to argue both its power and its limits.
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