Constitutional Change & Devolution (AQA A Level History: Component 2: Depth study): Revision Note
Exam code: 7042
Summary
New Labour's 1997 manifesto promised wide-ranging constitutional reform
The programme focused on devolution, reform of the House of Lords, and stronger protection for individual rights
In 1997, voters in Scotland and Wales backed devolution in referendums
A Scottish Parliament and a Welsh Assembly were then created
Both held their first elections in May 1999 using more proportional voting systems than Westminster
The House of Lords Act (1999) removed most hereditary peers
However, 92 hereditary peers remained
The planned second stage of Lords reform was never completed
The Human Rights Act (1998) brought the European Convention on Human Rights into British law
From 2000, people could bring human rights cases in British courts
New Labour also introduced an elected Mayor of London, the Freedom of Information Act (2000), and later a new Supreme Court
The voting system for Westminster, though, stayed the same
The key question asks whether New Labour's constitutional reforms fundamentally reshaped the British constitution, or whether they remained partial and unfinished
Scottish and Welsh devolution
Why did Labour back devolution?
Support for home rule had grown in both Scotland and Wales during the Conservative governments from 1979 to 1997
Many voters felt they were being governed by a party they had not elected
The poll tax was introduced in Scotland in 1989, a year before England and Wales, which increased resentment
At the 1997 general election the Conservatives won no seats in Scotland or Wales
Labour's plans for Scotland were shaped by the Scottish Constitutional Convention
Labour, the Liberal Democrats, churches, and trade unions worked together between 1989 and 1995
The Scottish National Party (SNP) and Conservatives did not take part
Labour also argued that devolution could strengthen the Union
Giving Scotland and Wales more control over their own affairs might reduce support for independence
Labour had supported devolution before, but earlier proposals had failed in 1979 referendums
“The United Kingdom is a partnership enriched by distinct national identities and traditions. Scotland has its own systems of education, law and local government. Wales has its language and cultural traditions. We will meet the demand for decentralisation of power to Scotland and Wales, once established in referendums. ... Our proposal is for devolution not federation. A sovereign Westminster Parliament will devolve power to Scotland and Wales. The Union will be strengthened and the threat of separatism removed”
The Labour Party general election manifesto, April 1997
Approach: The source is useful because Labour clearly presents devolution as a way to strengthen the United Kingdom rather than break it apart
However, it is a campaign document, so the claim that devolution would reduce separatism should be checked against what happened to support for the SNP and Plaid Cymru afterwards
The 1997 referendums
Labour held referendums before creating new devolved institutions
Scotland voted on the 11th September 1997
Wales voted on the 18th September 1997
Support was much stronger in Scotland than in Wales
This helps to explain why Scotland received a more powerful parliament, while Wales initially received a weaker assembly
Scotland
Area | Detail |
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Support for devolution |
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The new institution |
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Powers |
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Wales
Area | Detail |
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Support for devolution |
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The new institution |
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Powers |
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How did devolution work?
Both Scotland and Wales were elected using the Additional Member System
This combined constituency seats with regional list seats
It produced more proportional results than elections to Westminster
Scotland had significantly greater powers from the start
The Scottish Parliament could make its own laws in devolved areas
The Welsh Assembly initially had more limited powers, mainly carrying out policies in areas transferred from the Welsh Office
Devolution in practice
Devolution allowed Scotland and Wales to make choices that differed from Westminster
Scotland removed up-front university tuition fees for Scottish students from 2000
It introduced free personal care for elderly people in 2002
The Scottish Parliament did not use its power to vary income tax
Devolution also gave nationalist parties a stronger political platform
The SNP narrowly became the largest party in the 2007 Scottish election, and Alex Salmond became First Minister
Plaid Cymru joined a coalition government with Labour in Wales in July 2007
Devolution also raised the West Lothian question
Scottish MPs at Westminster could vote on laws affecting only England
English MPs had no equivalent say over areas devolved to Scotland
Example: In 2004, Scottish Labour MPs helped pass top-up fees for English universities, even though the policy did not apply in Scotland
Examiner Tips and Tricks
Do not treat Scotland and Wales as the same story. Scotland voted strongly for devolution and received a law-making Parliament with tax powers. Wales voted by a very narrow margin and received an Assembly with much weaker powers
Reform of the House of Lords, 1999
The problem Labour wanted to solve
Before 1999, most members of the House of Lords sat there by right of birth
Around 750 hereditary peers had the right to sit and vote
They sat alongside life peers and 26 bishops
Most hereditary peers supported the Conservative Party, giving the Conservatives a long-standing advantage in the Lords
Labour's 1997 manifesto promised to remove the automatic right of hereditary peers to sit and vote
The government described this as the first stage of a wider reform
Stage one: the House of Lords Act (1999)
The House of Lords Act (1999) ended the automatic right of hereditary peers to sit in the Lords
More than 600 hereditary peers lost their seats in November 1999
A compromise allowed 92 hereditary peers to remain temporarily
This compromise, proposed by the crossbench peer Lord Weatherill to stop the Lords blocking the bill, became known as the Weatherill amendment
Most of the 92 were chosen in elections held among the hereditary peers themselves
The reform changed the balance of the chamber
The Lords became a mainly appointed House of life peers
An Appointments Commission was created in 2000 to recommend some non-party political members
“In those 88 years, our country has changed beyond recognition, our society has changed beyond recognition and it is long past time that our Parliament changed too; 750 people are Members of the House of Lords by accident of birth. Almost all those people are men; almost all are white; most have little, if any, experience of school, health care or housing in common with most of their fellow countrymen and countrywomen. Like everyone else, they have a place in our national life, but it is not in our Parliament”
Margaret Beckett, leader of the House of Commons, speech opening the second reading debate on the House of Lords Bill, 1st February 1999
Approach: The source is useful because it sets out Labour’s case against hereditary membership, arguing that Parliament should reflect a modern society rather than allow people to sit by birth
However, she was speaking for the government and was trying to win support for the bill, so the source is strongest for showing Labour’s justification for reform rather than proving that its solution was complete
Stage two: the search for a reformed House
Labour had removed most hereditary peers but still had to decide what should replace the old system
A Royal Commission under Lord Wakeham was set up to consider the next stage
Its January 2000 report recommended a mainly appointed House with a minority of elected members
Agreement proved difficult
In February 2003, MPs voted on seven different options, ranging from a fully appointed to a fully elected House
None of the options won Commons support
The disagreement continued
In March 2007, MPs voted in favour of a fully elected House
The Lords instead supported a fully appointed House
By 2007, no second stage of reform had become law
The 92 hereditary peers, originally kept as a temporary measure, were still there
“Secondly, the right hon. Lady says that there must be speedy reform. Anyone can see, however, that a two-stage reform could take longer than a one-stage reform: any interim House’s establishment could be held up by the Parliament Acts, and the process for the second stage might have to start all over again. The only reasonable reading is that the Government want to scrap the hereditary peers, and then kick the whole process into the long grass”
Dr Liam Fox, opposition spokesman on constitutional affairs, speech moving the Conservative amendment against the second reading of the House of Lords Bill, 1st February 1999
Approach: The source is useful because he predicted that Labour might remove hereditary peers but fail to agree what should replace them
As an opposition spokesman, he had a clear reason to criticise the government’s plans. However, the failure to complete a second stage by 2007 gives his warning added significance
How far did Lords reform change the system?
The 1999 Act produced a major change in who could sit in the Lords
Hereditary membership was reduced sharply
The Conservatives lost much of their built-in advantage
But the reform was incomplete
The Lords remained largely appointed
No agreed long-term replacement for hereditary membership had been introduced by 2007
The chamber also continued to challenge government legislation
The Hunting Act (2004) had to be passed using the Parliament Act after opposition from the Lords
Examiner Tips and Tricks
For the sources, use Beckett and Fox as a prediction test. Beckett explains why reform was needed; Fox warns that Labour might remove hereditary peers without agreeing what should replace them. Then use the 2003 and 2007 votes to judge whose argument is better supported by what happened next
The Human Rights Act, 1998
What did the Act do?
The Human Rights Act (1998) brought the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) into British law
Britain had helped draft the Convention after the Second World War and signed it in 1950
Before the Act, people usually had to take human rights cases to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg
The Act received Royal Assent in November 1998, coming into force on the 2nd October 2000
It protected rights such as:
the right to life
the right to a fair trial
the right to privacy
freedom of expression
“The effect of non-incorporation on the British people is a practical one. The rights, originally developed by Britain, are no longer seen as British, and enforcing them takes far too long and costs far too much, on average five years and £30,000 to get an action into the European Court at Strasbourg once all domestic remedies have been exhausted. Bringing these rights home will mean that the British people will be able to argue for their rights in the British courts, without inordinate delay and cost”
Jack Straw, Home Secretary, speech moving the second reading of the Human Rights Bill in the House of Commons, 16th February 1998
Approach: The source is useful because it explains the government’s main case for reform: people should be able to defend their Convention rights in British courts, rather than facing the time and cost of going to Strasbourg
However, Straw was promoting the bill, so the source shows what the government hoped the Act would achieve rather than what happened after it came into force
How the Act worked
British courts had to interpret laws in a way that matched Convention rights wherever possible
Public bodies, including the police, councils and hospitals, also had to act in line with those rights
If a higher court believed that an Act of Parliament could not be read in a way that matched the Convention, it could issue a declaration of incompatibility
This did not cancel the law
Parliament then decided whether to change it
This protected parliamentary sovereignty, because Parliament remained the highest law-making authority
Ministers also had to state whether new bills were compatible with Convention rights
“The Bill will alter the balance of power between the legislature and the judiciary. In the United Kingdom, we have always had a separation of powers. Hon. Members are elected to the House, and hon. Members and those in another place usually pass laws following the Government’s proposed legislation. Judges subsequently apply those laws in specific cases. However, all that will change”
Sir Brian Mawhinney, Shadow Home Secretary, speech moving the Conservative amendment against the second reading of the Human Rights Bill, 16th February 1998
Approach: The source is useful because he warns that the Act would change the balance between Parliament and the courts, by giving judges a greater role in reviewing legislation
However, he was speaking before the Act came into force, so this is a prediction rather than evidence of its actual impact. It should be tested against later cases
The Act in practice
The Act gave judges a greater role in reviewing government actions
In December 2004, in the Belmarsh case, the Law Lords ruled that holding foreign terror suspects without trial was incompatible with the Convention
The government responded by replacing those detention powers with control orders in 2005
The Act also became politically controversial
Critics argued that it sometimes gave too much protection to criminals or terror suspects
By 2006, the Conservatives were proposing to replace it with a British Bill of Rights
How significant was the Act?
The Human Rights Act made it easier for people to enforce Convention rights in British courts
It also increased the role of judges in examining whether government action and legislation respected those rights
However, judges could not simply overturn Acts of Parliament
Parliament kept the final say over whether a law should be changed
The Act therefore changed the relationship between courts and government, while leaving parliamentary sovereignty intact
Examiner Tips and Tricks
A common mistake is to say that the Human Rights Act allowed judges to overturn Acts of Parliament. It did not. Judges could issue a declaration of incompatibility, but Parliament still decided whether to change the law
The Belmarsh case in 2004 is a good example. The Law Lords ruled that detention without trial was incompatible with the Convention, but they did not strike the law down themselves. This is the key to explaining why the Act increased judicial influence without ending parliamentary sovereignty
How significant were New Labour's constitutional reforms?
This question asks whether New Labour's constitutional reforms fundamentally reshaped the United Kingdom, or whether they remained partial and unfinished
Some key evidence for each side is outlined below
Evidence that the reforms were significant
Devolution changed where political power was exercised
Scotland and Wales gained their own elected institutions
These bodies could make different choices from Westminster in devolved areas
The Human Rights Act strengthened the role of the courts
People could enforce Convention rights in British courts
Judges gained a greater role in reviewing whether government actions matched those rights
Reform of the House of Lords ended the automatic right of most hereditary peers to sit and vote
This removed a long-standing feature of the constitution based on birth
New Labour also widened access to government and public information
London gained an elected Mayor and Assembly after a 1998 referendum (first election May 2000)
The Freedom of Information Act (2000), in force from January 2005; gave the public a legal right to request information from public bodies
The Constitutional Reform Act (2005) also changed the relationship between the courts and Parliament
It created a new Supreme Court (opened 2009), separate from the House of Lords
By 2007, the main political parties accepted that the new devolved institutions were a permanent part of the system
Evidence that the reforms were limited or unfinished
Some reform stopped halfway
The second stage of House of Lords reform was never agreed
The Lords remained mainly appointed, with 92 hereditary peers still sitting
Reform of the electoral system at Westminster did not happen
The Jenkins Commission recommended a new voting system in 1998
The promised referendum did not take place
Westminster elections continued to use first-past-the-post
Devolution was uneven
Wales initially received much weaker powers than Scotland
The West Lothian question remained unresolved
The Human Rights Act increased judicial influence but did not make judges supreme
Parliament still had the final say over whether incompatible laws were changed
Devolution did not remove nationalist politics
Nationalist support did not fade
After a dip in 2003, the SNP became the largest party in Scotland in 2007 and Plaid Cymru entered government in Wales
Examiner Tips and Tricks
For a “significance” question, do not just count how many reforms were passed. Judge each one by:
how much power it changed
how long the change lasted
whether the reform was completed
That gives you a clearer comparison. Devolution and the Human Rights Act changed how power worked in practice, while Lords reform and electoral reform were much less complete
A strong answer should therefore distinguish between major structural change and unfinished reform, rather than treating the whole programme as either a complete success or a failure
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