Social Change, 1987-1997 (AQA A Level History: Component 2: Depth study): Revision Note
Exam code: 7042
Summary
Britain became more socially liberal in some areas during this period
However, the 1988 Local Government Act (Section 28) and John Major's Back to Basics campaign of 1993 reflected continuing social conservatism
Deference towards established institutions declined
The monarchy faced growing criticism, particularly after the Queen's annus horribilis in 1992
Anti-establishment attitudes also appeared in the arts, youth culture and direct action protest
Women made important gains in law, employment and public life
Rape within marriage became a criminal offence
The first women priests were ordained in 1994
However, women still faced wide gaps in pay and senior positions
Representation of Black and Asian Britons improved
Yet, the murder of Stephen Lawrence in 1993 exposed continuing racial violence and serious failures within the police
The key question asks whether British society was transformed by social change between 1987 and 1997 or whether traditional attitudes and structures continued beneath the surface
The extent of 'social liberalism'
What social liberalism meant in this period
Social liberalism describes a society in which people have greater freedom over their private lives
It can be measured through both changes to attitudes and changes in the law
Change between 1987 and 1997 was uneven, with some attitudes changing faster than legislation
Britain entered this period from a relatively socially conservative position
In the 1987 British Social Attitudes survey, around 75% of respondents said sexual relations between two adults of the same sex were always or mostly wrong
Fear surrounding AIDS also contributed to hostility towards gay men
The first UK case had been recorded in 1981
The illness was widely described in the press as a "gay plague"
Government policy showed both conservatism and attempts to respond to changing social problems
From 1986, the government ran a major AIDS awareness campaign using the slogan "Don't die of ignorance"
Diana, Princess of Wales, publicly shook hands with an AIDS patient without gloves in 1987, helping challenge fears about how the illness was transmitted
Section 28 and the reaction to it
Concerns about homosexuality became particularly political during the late 1980s
Some Conservative-supporting newspapers attacked Labour-controlled councils that funded lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) support groups as part of the "loony left"
A tabloid controversy in 1986 focused on the children's book Jenny Lives with Eric and Martin
The book showed a girl living with her father and his male partner
Its availability through some Labour-controlled councils and school libraries was used by critics as evidence that local authorities were "promoting homosexuality"
Parliament responded with Section 28 of the Local Government Act (1988)
It prevented local authorities from "promoting homosexuality"
The law did not directly ban discussion of homosexuality in schools
However, many teachers and councils interpreted it cautiously and avoided the subject
This led to wider self-censorship than the wording of the law itself required
Section 28 also encouraged greater LGBT political organisation
Stonewall was founded in 1989 to campaign through mainstream politics
It also supported legal challenges concerning the age of consent and the ban on gay people serving in the armed forces
OutRage! used direct action, including protests aimed at politicians and clergy
“The 1980s were a period of intensified homophobia, sanctioned from the top of society. The Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher was at war with the LGBT community. ... At the 1987 Tory party conference Thatcher attacked the right to be LGBT. The following year, her government legislated the notorious Section 28, which banned the so-called ‘promotion of homosexuality’ by local authorities, leading many authorities to impose self-censorship to avoid prosecution. Unexpectedly, this was the making of the LGBT community in Britain. It mobilised people as never before. The 1988 London Pride parade was double what it had been in previous years, increasing to 30,000 marchers”
Peter Tatchell, co-founder of the campaign group OutRage!, writing in 2012 to introduce a debate about life in the 1980s
Approach: Tatchell was a gay-rights campaigner and co-founder of OutRage!, writing in 2012 about the 1980s
The source is useful because he experienced the period directly and shows how campaigners viewed Section 28 as a turning point that encouraged greater LGBT activism
However, he was writing around twenty-five years later and had a strong campaigning perspective, so claims about the scale of repression should be checked against contemporary evidence and the wording of Section 28 itself
The limits of liberalisation
Legal change towards greater equality remained incomplete during the 1990s
The age of consent for gay men was reduced from 21 to 18 in 1994
It was not equalised with the heterosexual age of consent, the age of 16, until 2000
The ban on gay men and lesbians serving in the armed forces also remained until 2000
More liberal attitudes towards relationships and family life also existed alongside continuing anxiety about social change
The divorce rate reached record levels during the 1990s
Births outside marriage rose from around 12% in the early 1980s to around 30% by the early 1990s
Lone parents, particularly single mothers, were often criticised in political and press debate
The Child Support Agency was established in 1993 to enforce maintenance payments from absent parents
Major's government also continued to use socially conservative language
His Back to Basics campaign in 1993 called for a return to values such as responsibility and family stability
It was widely mocked after sex scandals involving Conservative MPs, which made the government's social conservatism look out of step with how many people now lived
Concerns about permissiveness also remained influential
Mary Whitehouse continued campaigning against violent sexual content
The Video Recordings Act was strengthened in 1994 after renewed concern over violent videos following the murder of James Bulger
Examiner Tips and Tricks
Do not describe 1987–1997 as a simple movement towards greater tolerance. The stronger argument is that liberalisation and conservatism existed at the same time. A useful contrast is: Section 28 and Back to Basics versus Stonewall, OutRage! and the reduced age of consent. That shows why social change was real but incomplete.
Anti-establishment culture
A more 'classless' society?
When John Major became Prime Minister in 1990, he stated that he wanted to create a "classless society"
The phrase suggested a softer tone than Thatcher's, promising that a person's background should not limit their opportunities
At the same time, traditional sources of authority were increasingly questioned
Some historians link this partly to Thatcherism itself, which had encouraged challenges to established institutions and traditional elites
Historian Alwyn W. Turner argues that much of the 1990s saw the results of changes that had begun decades earlier
He described the period as seeing "the coming to fruition [of] seeds that had been planted a quarter of a century earlier"
The monarchy under scrutiny
The monarchy faced unusually intense criticism during the 1990s
1992 became known as the Queen's annus horribilis
Three of her four children saw their marriages break down
Details of royal affairs and private telephone conversations appeared in the tabloid press
A major fire at Windsor Castle in November 1992 caused further controversy
The cost of the monarchy also came under greater scrutiny
Public criticism over who should pay for the Windsor Castle repairs contributed to the Queen agreeing to pay income tax on her private income
The civil list was also reduced
Criticism intensified after the death of Diana, Princess of Wales, in 1997
The royal family was accused by some newspapers and members of the public of appearing distant while the country mourned
Support for the monarchy fell to one of its lowest points of the period
"1992 is not a year on which I shall look back with undiluted pleasure. In the words of one of my more sympathetic correspondents, it has turned out to be an 'Annus Horribilis'. ... There can be no doubt, of course, that criticism is good for people and institutions that are part of public life. No institution – City, Monarchy, whatever – should expect to be free from the scrutiny of those who give it their loyalty and support, not to mention those who don't. But we are all part of the same fabric of our national society and that scrutiny, by one part of another, can be just as effective if it is made with a touch of gentleness, good humour and understanding"
Her Majesty the Queen, speech at the Guildhall to the Lord Mayor and City of London Corporation, 24 November 1992
Approach: The Queen gave this speech publicly at the Guildhall in November 1992, at the end of a year of intense criticism of the royal family
The source is useful because it shows that the monarchy itself recognised the growth of public scrutiny. Her acceptance that no institution should expect to be free from criticism reflects a significant change in attitudes towards deference
However, this was a carefully prepared public speech, so it shows what the monarchy was willing to admit publicly rather than everything happening within the royal family
Challenge in the arts
Anti-establishment attitudes were also visible in popular culture and the arts
The Young British Artists (YBAs) challenged traditional ideas about what art should look like
Artists such as Damien Hirst, Sarah Lucas and Tracey Emin used unconventional materials and subjects
Hirst became particularly known for works involving dead animals
Much of Hirst's work deliberately attracted controversy
Advertising executive and collector Charles Saatchi became an important patron
His collection formed the basis of the Sensation exhibition in 1997
The wider significance was less about one particular artwork and more about a willingness to challenge accepted standards of taste and respectability
Youth culture and rave
Youth culture also developed in ways that worried politicians and parts of the press
Acid house music spread from the United States in the late 1980s
Large raves and free parties became increasingly common
The summers of 1988 and 1989 were nicknamed the "Second Summer of Love"
Drug use, particularly ecstasy, became closely associated with rave culture
This contributed to a wider moral panic in the press
Around 20,000 people attended the week-long Castlemorton Common Festival in 1992
Its scale, drug associations and the difficulty of policing such a large free party increased pressure for government action
The government responded with the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act (1994)
It gave police greater powers to break up larger gatherings
The Act became famous for defining rave music as involving "repetitive beats"
Direct action and environmental protest
Some anti-establishment feeling took the form of direct action protest
Campaigns opposed major road-building projects, such as the M3 extension through Twyford Down from 1992
Protesters also targeted the M11 link road and the Newbury bypass
Protest methods were deliberately disruptive
Activists chained themselves to trees, occupied land and dug tunnels to delay construction
These campaigns often brought together experienced environmental activists and local residents protesting for the first time
These protests showed that direct challenges to government decisions could occur at a local level
Examiner Tips and Tricks
Be clear about what “the establishment” means. It can include the monarchy, government, the police, the Church, traditional culture and other institutions associated with authority.
The position of women
Third-wave feminism and 'girl power'
Third-wave feminism emerged in Britain during the early 1990s
It built on the legal and economic concerns of second-wave feminism but placed greater emphasis on identity, sexuality and differences between women
Issues such as race, class and sexuality became more prominent within feminist debate
This is known as intersectional feminism
Some of these ideas developed through underground culture
The Riot Grrrl movement used punk music and feminist activism to challenge sexism
Bands such as Bikini Kill and Huggy Bear became associated with the movement
By the mid-1990s, some of the same ideas had entered popular culture
The Spice Girls popularised the language of "girl power"
Television increasingly featured assertive female characters
At the same time, the rise of the ladette suggested that greater female freedom could also be expressed through behaviour traditionally associated with men
Women in public life


Women became more visible in some important public positions during the 1990s
Betty Boothroyd became the first female Speaker of the House of Commons in 1992
Stella Rimington became the first woman to head MI5 in the same year
Margaret Thatcher's premiership had already shown that a woman could reach the highest political office
However, this did not automatically lead to wider female representation
Thatcher appointed only one woman to her Cabinet
She also showed little interest in presenting herself as a representative of women more generally
Only 41 women MPs were elected in 1987 and 60 in 1992, before Labour's all-women shortlists helped raise the total to around 120 in 1997
The Church of England also changed
Parliament approved the ordination of women, and the first women were ordained as priests in 1994
The debate showed that opposition to greater female equality remained strong in some institutions
“I must oppose the Measure for a fundamental reason which concerns authority rather than the ordination of women. ... The difficulty with the ordination of women is that it has been believed nowhere by anyone at any time until now. ... It is not a political issue; we are not talking about women’s rights.”
John Selwyn Gummer MP, Conservative, Suffolk Coastal, speech in the House of Commons, 29 October 1993, opposing the Priests (Ordination of Women) Measure
Approach: Gummer was a Conservative MP speaking in the House of Commons in October 1993 during the debate over the ordination of women
The source is useful because it shows how some opponents framed the issue as one of religious authority rather than women’s rights. However, that distinction should be tested against the wider debate over whether excluding women from the priesthood amounted to discrimination. Gummer was also a Cabinet minister speaking as a Church of England member
“The right hon. Gentleman failed to recognise that conscience is not the exclusive property of men. Many women moved to service in the Church have waited most patiently, not for five years but for 70 or more. ... We must recognise that at the heart of this debate, however it may be covered up in theological terms, is prejudice against women and the attitude that they are not human beings.”
Tony Benn MP, Labour, Chesterfield, speech in the House of Commons, 29 October 1993, replying to Gummer in the same debate
Approach: Benn was a Labour MP speaking in the same Commons debate in October 1993. Benn was a long-standing campaigner for equality
The source is useful because he directly challenges Gummer’s argument and presents opposition to women priests as prejudice against women. His response shows how the debate could be understood as part of a wider question about gender equality, rather than only a theological issue
Law and employment
Women made significant legal gains during this period
In R v R (1991), the House of Lords ruled that a husband could be convicted of raping his wife
The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act (1994) then placed that principle into statute law
Women's participation in paid employment also continued to increase
By 1993, around 68% of women of working age were economically active
By 1996, women made up roughly half of all employees
Married women were also able to be taxed separately from their husbands from 1990
However, greater participation did not produce full equality
Women's full-time hourly pay remained at around 80% of men's
The relative position of women in part-time work improved much less
Women also remained under-represented in many senior positions
How far had the position of women improved?
Area | Evidence of Improvement | Limits to Change |
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Law |
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Employment |
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Public Life |
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Religion |
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Culture |
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Examiner Tips and Tricks
Do not use Margaret Thatcher as straightforward proof that the position of women had improved. Her premiership showed that a woman could reach the top of politics, but she did little to increase female representation around her
Race relations
Signs of progress
By the late 1980s, Britain appeared more comfortable with multiculturalism
Multiculturalism means accepting that different ethnic, religious and cultural communities can keep their own identities while sharing the same rights and institutions
There were no disturbances on the scale of the race-related riots seen in 1981 and 1985
Riots in 1991 and 1992, in places from Oxford to Newcastle and Burnley, mainly involved young white men living on deprived estates
Representation in Parliament also improved
Four Black and Asian MPs were elected at the 1987 general election, the first time since the 1920s
All four retained their seats in 1992
These changes suggested some movement towards greater political inclusion
However, representation remained limited and did not mean that racism had disappeared from everyday life
Continuing racism and violence
Progress remained uneven
In 1992, John Taylor, the Black Conservative candidate for Cheltenham, faced reports of racist opposition from some local Conservatives
Relations between some young Black men and the police also remained tense
The murder of Stephen Lawrence exposed the continuing seriousness of racist violence
Lawrence, a Black A-level student, was murdered by a group of white youths at a bus stop in south-east London in April 1993
The Crown Prosecution Service decided there was not enough evidence to bring successful prosecutions
The police investigation was heavily criticised
Officers were accused of failing to investigate the case properly
The Lawrence family also argued that assumptions about Black teenagers shaped the way the case was handled
Doreen and Neville Lawrence continued campaigning after a private prosecution failed
Their campaign eventually led to a public inquiry ordered in 1997

“He was an innocent schoolboy waiting at a bus stop when he was stabbed to death by a gang of six white youths. He was the type of young man that we all want our children to be. ... Those killings are just part of a national pattern of racial harassment and violence. ... The most disturbing and hurtful aspect of the killing of Stephen Lawrence for the Black community was the way in which initially it was almost entirely ignored by the mainstream media and the Government”
Diane Abbott MP, Labour, Hackney North and Stoke Newington, adjournment debate on racial violence, House of Commons, 21 May 1993, one month after the murder
Approach: Diane Abbott was the Labour MP for Hackney North and Stoke Newington and, from 1987, the first Black woman elected to Parliament. She spoke in a Commons adjournment debate on racial violence on 21 May 1993, one month after Stephen Lawrence's murder
The source is useful because she presents the killing as part of a wider pattern of racial harassment and violence, rather than as an isolated incident. Her position as the MP for a diverse London constituency helps explain why she stresses how serious the problem was
However, she was an opposition MP and a campaigner on race equality, so she had a clear reason to emphasise the failures of the government and the media. Speaking only a month after the murder, she also could not know how much the later inquiry would reveal about the police investigation
“Last year, the number of recorded racial attacks continued to increase, with nearly 8,000 being reported. At least some of that increase stems from the police being required to collect statistics much more systematically in recent years ... It is difficult to tell from the figures whether racial attacks have gone up because there is an increasing number, or because there is an increasing readiness to report them. ... What I do know is that there are far too many attacks; one attack is one too many”
Peter Lloyd MP, Minister of State at the Home Office, government reply in the same debate, 21May 1993
Approach: Peter Lloyd was the Conservative Minister of State at the Home Office. He replied for the government in the same debate on 21 May 1993
The source is useful because he accepts that recorded racial attacks had risen to nearly 8,000, but questions what the increase proves. He suggests that some of the rise may have come from better reporting and recording, so his response shows the government's more cautious reading of the figures
However, as a minister defending the government's record, he had a reason to play down the scale of the problem. The figures he quotes were also only the attacks reported to and recorded by the police, so they are likely to underestimate how many took place
New pressures on social cohesion
Patterns of migration also changed during the 1990s
The number of asylum seekers increased, including people fleeing violence in countries such as Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq
Migration from New Commonwealth countries, including India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, also continued
Many migrants joined family members already living in Britain
Questions about the place of Muslim communities became more prominent
Salman Rushdie published The Satanic Verses in 1988
Many Muslims regarded the novel as blasphemous
In February 1989, Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of Iran, issued a fatwa calling for Rushdie's death
Rushdie subsequently went into hiding
Reactions within Britain were divided
Some British Muslims accepted publication as part of freedom of expression
Others protested publicly and, in some cases, burned copies of the book
The dispute highlighted tensions between religious belief, freedom of expression and integration

How far had race relations improved?
Area | Evidence of Progress | Limits to Change |
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Representation |
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Multiculturalism |
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Law |
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Policing |
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Stephen Lawrence Case |
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Examiner Tips and Tricks
Do not judge race relations only by legislation. A stronger answer separates law, representation and lived experience, because they changed at different speeds
Define multiculturalism before you judge it. Examiners report that some students drift into other themes, such as women's rights or LGBT rights, so keep your focus on ethnic and religious communities
How far did British society change, 1987–1997?
This question weighs evidence of real social change against evidence that older attitudes and structures survived
Some key evidence for each side is outlined below
Areas of significant change
Britain became less deferential and more socially liberal
Traditional institutions such as the monarchy faced greater public scrutiny
Attitudes towards sexuality became more tolerant
Women gained greater legal, economic and public opportunities
More women entered paid work and senior public roles
Britain also became more visibly multicultural
Ethnic minority representation improved, and diversity became more established in public life
Youth culture, art and protest became more willing to challenge authority
This reflected a broader decline in respect for traditional social boundaries
Areas where change was limited
Liberalisation remained uneven
Conservative measures such as Section 28 and Back to Basics showed that traditional moral attitudes still had political support
Greater opportunity did not mean full equality
Women still faced pay gaps and limited access to senior positions
Racism and tensions with the police remained serious
Government often responded to social change with restriction as well as acceptance
This was especially clear in responses to rave culture and direct action protest
Traditional elites and class divisions survived
Major's "classless society" remained an aim rather than a reality, and the monarchy kept majority public support despite growing criticism
Some changes associated with the 1990s had begun much earlier
The decade may therefore be better seen as the continuation of longer-term trends than a complete social break
Examiner Tips and Tricks
For a “how far?” question, avoid treating social change as one single process. Judge the extent of change theme by theme, then compare them
The most useful distinction is between changing attitudes, changes in law and institutions, and people’s everyday experience. These did not move at the same pace, so a strong answer should explain where change was fastest and where older attitudes remained strongest
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